RIP Nicola Calipari, 1953-2004 This weekend, a Kentucky loyalist put
a Rumsfeld muzzle on a pesky critic, thus personifying current Bush Administration media strategy, both domestically and abroad.
But to avoid straining reader credulity, let's backtrack a little to look at some previous examples of US government >cough!< "public relations".
While I'd hoped to prime visitors with a short history of
Operation Northwoods, the
attempted murder of Judi Bari and destruction of Earth First, the
Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment, the 15 years in which the FBI ran
COINTELPRO , or the
scores of declassified government experiments on Americans -- including injections or administration by other means of live cancer cells, hepatitis, malaria, plutonium and various psychoactive and experimental drugs -- orphaned children, mentally retarded, crippled, elderly or imprisoned victims without their knowledge or consent over the last century, not to mention
three decades of federal government radiation experiments on US citizens , in the interest of brevity, I can only direct you to find about these mind-numbing atrocities yourself, in a hair-raising afternoon's reading.
And while some have postulated that the 2003 anthrax attacks, which seemed conveniently aimed at Bush policy opponents, were a deliberate attempt to shut said opponents up, to maintain our strict policy of only posting iron-clad, verified and verifiable information, we want to avoid venturing into the twilight of speculation.
That said, let's look back seven months, to when CNN executive Eason Jordan claimed at the World Economic Forum that the US military had deliberately targeted and killed a dozen journalists in Iraq. Transcripts have been withheld from the public, but secondhand reports of the comment were enough to send uptightwingers into a feeding frenzy that ultimately ended in Jordan's resignation and public recant of the statement.
Unfortunately, what Jordan dared to publicly admit at the Forum was a demonstrable, if chilling, truth: on March 10, 2003, BBC war correspondent Kate Adie announced on the radio that a senior Pentagon officer had told her that once the war commenced, any "unauthorized" journalists in Iraq would be deliberately shot at, even if it meant killing them. The actual audio files are no longer available, but I've copied the transcription for posterity
here and
here.
This time, the Pentagon has been uncharacteristically true to its word: on July 1st, al-Sharqiya television director Ahmed Wael Bakri became the 17th verified nonembedded journalist killed by American troops.
So, while shocking, horrific and reprehensible, these killings were certainly not unannounced. Still,
the details of these publicly-announced "deliberate targetings" on the part of the Pentagon cannot help but impart a queasy mix of anger, horror and dread:
Consider the events of April 8, 2003. Early that morning, Al Jazeera correspondent Tareq Ayyoub was reporting from the network's Baghdad bureau. He was providing an eyewitness account of a fierce battle between US and Iraqi forces along the banks of the Tigris. As he stood on the roof of the building, a US warplane swooped in and fired a rocket at Al Jazeera's office. Ayyoub was killed instantly. US Central Command released a statement claiming, "Coalition forces came under significant enemy fire from the building where the Al-Jazeera journalists were working." No evidence was ever produced to bolster this claim. Al Jazeera, which gave the US military its coordinates weeks before the invasion began, says it received assurances a day before Ayyoub's death that the network would not be attacked.
At noon on April 8, a US Abrams tank fired at the Palestine Hotel, home and office to more than 100 unembedded international journalists operating in Baghdad at the time. The shell smashed into the fifteenth-floor Reuters office, killing two cameramen, Reuters's Taras Protsyuk and José Couso of Spain's Telecinco. The United States again claimed that its forces had come under enemy fire and were acting in self-defense. This claim was contradicted by scores of journalists who were in the hotel and by a French TV crew that filmed the attack. In its report on the incident, the Committee to Protect Journalists asserted that "Pentagon officials, as well as commanders on the ground in Baghdad, knew that the Palestine Hotel was full of international journalists."
In a chilling statement at the end of that day in Iraq, then-Pentagon spokesperson Victoria Clarke spelled out the Pentagon's policy on journalists not embedded with US troops. She warned them that Baghdad "is not a safe place. You should not be there."...
The US military has yet to discipline a single soldier for the killing of a journalist in Iraq.... The military has faced almost no public outcry at home about these killings....
In many of these cases, there is a common thread: The journalists, mostly Arabs, were reporting on places or incidents that the military may not have wanted the world to see--military vehicles in flames, helicopters shot down, fierce resistance against the "liberation" forces, civilian deaths...."
The international advocacy group
Reporters Without Frontiers called upon Donald Rumsfeld to prove the three unprovoked April 8th, 2003 killings weren't deliberate, but their requests have been met with predictable silence.
Three weeks later, after
US troops shot and killed 15 civilian protesters in
a town fifty miles west of Bagdhad on the Euphrates River, Fallujah began its transformation from a staunchly pro-American center to one of the most dangerous places in the country for so-called "coalition" troops.
Then in November, 2004, as events came to a head, over 7,300 US and Iraqi troops, complete with armor and air support, swept into the city, determined to root out any resistance to American occupation.
A horrific bloodbath raged across the city for ten days, and as the US military blocked humanitarian aid from the Red Cross, an Italian war correspondent shocked readers with
these reports of
US war atrocities committed in the beseiged city:
"....I wanted to tell about the bloodbath in Falluja through the refugees' tales....
"In one attack on a hospital the Americans killed 20 doctors. The Marines are shooting at everything that moves. Fallujah is dying under the criminally indifferent gaze not only of the United States but also of the Iraqi Government.
"...We buried them, but we could not identify them because they were charred from the napalm bombs used by the Americans. People from Saqlawiya village, near Falluja, told al Jazeera television, based in Qatar, that they helped bury 73 bodies of women and children completely charred, all in the same grave.
Since the beginning of the month, which is not yet finished, 109 Marines have been killed, a figure already greater than that of the earlier attack on Fallujah, last April. But it is above all the Iraqis who are paying the highest tribute : 2,085 killed in the attack;
many observers say that the problem is that many of the bodies were unrecognisable because they were so carbonised that the use of napalm was suspected.
At the same time... [there is] an investigation conducted by the Iraqi Health Ministry, in conjunction with the Norwegian FAFO Institute for applied international studies and UNDP, into the health of Iraqi children. The report states that since the beginning of the war (March 2003) the number of Iraqi children under the age of 5 suffering from acute malnutrition has doubled, passing from 4 to 7.7%. Further, over 400,000 are suffering from chronic diarrhea and protein deficit."
On February 4, four months after reporting on the seige of Fallujah, Giuliana Sgrena was kidnapped by gunmen outside Baghdad University. Two weeks later, her abductors released a video in which Sgrena pled for her life, begging Italians to put "...pressure on the Italian government to withdraw its troops."
In response, tens of thousands of Italians marched in Rome, demanding Italy secure Sgrena's return and withdraw its troops from Iraq. The Italian government entered into negotiations for Sgrena's release (unofficially said to involve a payoff in excess of $1 million), and on March 4, she was left by her captors in an abandoned vehicle.
Sgrena claims that before her release, her abductors warned her the US would try to kill her. She claims they said: "The Americans don't want you to go back."
Her account of
what happened next -- corroborated by the Italian government -- is completely different from the Bush Administration's official story.
Italian foreign minister Gianfranco Fini said 51-year-old undercover military intelligence agent Nicola Calipari and two fellow agents arrived in Baghdad after having contacted the kidnappers. Calipari had already freed two Italian hostages. They checked in with both U.S. airport authorities and forces patrolling the area. They had been issued US security badges to allow free passage through the country after rescuing Sgrena from the abandoned vehicle where her kidnappers left her.
Italian
Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi confirmed that Calipari had alerted the US military he would be escorting Sgrena to the airport, in direct contradiction to the State Department's claims. He reported to the Italian Senate that a diplomat in the Baghdad airport had also informed U.S. soldiers that Calipari and Sgrena were en route to the airport.
After picking up Sgrena, the agents drove to the Green Zone, through the mandatory series of elaborate US checkpoint processes, and then entered a special secured road. As they drove out of the Green Zone, news of Sgrena's release had already been wired around the globe by Reuters and Al-Jazeera.
According to Sgrena, while the State Department asserted she was being escorted along Bagdhad's notoriously dangerous airport road, in fact the rescue car had been travelling on a completely different route, a highly-secure road only accessible through the Green Zone and reserved for the exclusive use of ambassadors and top military brass.
She recounts that they drove slowly to the airport, keeping their lights illuminated for identification, in a celebratory mood, until their car was suddenly struck by a storm of bullets.
Says Sgrena, the car wasn't at a checkpoint at all; "...less than a kilometer from the airport", a tank parked along the roadside opened fire after they had passed, with no warnings or attempts to stop the car.
The State Department said US soldiers opened fire out of self-defense and fear, but Sgrena maintains emphatically that Calipari had thrown himself over her when the shooting began, and
the bullet that ripped into her lung had entered through the back seat of the car; only the driver escaped injury, adding weight to her insistence that the shots hadn't come from the front or sides, but from behind
while the car was driving away.
Calipari was killed instantly by a bullet in the temple, and a four-inch bullet also entered Sgrena's shoulder, then broke apart, puncturing her lung.
"Our car was destroyed. And then the driver got out and was shouting 'we're Italian, we're Italian'."When the shooting stopped, the driver had
called Prime Minister Berlusconi's office on the phone to report the car been struck by 300 to 400 bullets. As he was speaking, U.S. soldiers ordered him to hang up the phone.
Notably, American officials have refused to release the car to the Italian government for inspection, and the Pentagon's subsequent "investigation" of itself found that >surprise! Don't blink!< the US military was completely innocent of any wrongdoing or even error in the incident, an explanation that did nothing to mollify already angry Italians.
CNN said Sgrena had suggested the Americans may have targeted her on purpose because the U.S. opposed negotiating with kidnappers.
"The fact that the Americans don't want negotiations to free the hostages is known. The fact that they do everything to prevent the adoption of this practice to save the lives of people held hostage, everybody knows that. So I don't see why I should rule out that I could have been the target."The Pentagon story as reported by the Post showed some glaring inconsistencies:
Marine Sgt. Salju Thomas, a military spokesman, said soldiers "fired on a vehicle approaching a checkpoint in Baghdad at a high rate of speed."
...A few hours later, a statement from the U.S. Army's 3rd Infantry Division in Baghdad said ...soldiers with the 3rd Infantry "killed one civilian and wounded two others when their vehicle traveling at high speeds refused to stop at a check point here today. About 9:00 pm, a patrol in western Baghdad observed the vehicle speeding towards their checkpoint and attempted to warn the driver to stop by hand and arm signals, flashing white lights, and firing warning shots in front of the car. When the driver didn't stop, the soldiers shot into the engine block, which stopped the vehicle, killing one and wounding two others."
The statement did not explain how bullets fired into the engine block hit the passengers. It said the surviving intelligence agent "was treated by Army medics on the scene but refused medical evacuation for further assistance."
Finally, a State Department official in Washington said the Italians did not tell either the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad or U.S. military commanders about Sgrena's release, even though a U.S. hostage coordinator had been working closely with them on the case.
The first puzzling claim is that the car was
speeding to a checkpoint and refusing to stop. It begs the question
Why on Earth would they speed or refuse to stop at a checkpoint?Next, we have bullets fired into an engine block that completely missed the driver yet managed to strike Calipari and Sgrena in the back seat.
Finally, the Post even points out that a US official was working closely with the Italians, yet the State Department claimed the embassy and military weren't informed.
Was Sgrena, as certainly looks likely, another of the Pentagon's "targeted journalists"?
Donald Rumsfeld almost certainly knows. But here's betting all we're going to get is a lot more... silence.
Quote of the Day: "Hello darkness, my old friend. I've come to talk with you again." Paul Simon